The departure of Ivan Espinosa de los Monteros from Fox responds to but also includes a leadership disagreement within the party Jinnah victoryVice President Jorge Buxade, who brings the Spanish far right closer to the Ultras Eastern Europewith the governing parties Poland and Hungary like a mirror. A radical right that focuses on its most deeply rooted moral issues New Catholicwhich puts the focus on LGTBI collectivethe cultural repression or role womanand anti-abortion and economic protectionism.
With Espinosa gone, Vox will cease to be a neoliberal economic party to move closer to the positions of the far right in Eastern Europe. It will be necessary to know what Vox will do with Europe and the international issue, if it is to change its strategy once and for all to assume the assumptions of Buxadé & rdquor; points out the world of politics Pablo Simon. Buxadi, current Vice President of Political Action for Vox’s National Executive Committee and Head of Vox’s delegation to the European Parliament, is an advocate for substitution theory. A racist treatise that warns of the invasion of other races and religions that replace white European Christians.
It represents Vox Against Soros and the 2030 Agenda, with a “Poutine” handwriting and nothing “Atlantic”, as was Spinoza hitherto & rdquo; Simon explains. To understand the economic differences within Vox, vote in the European Parliament, in 2020, on Free Trade Agreement with VietnamWhich got the green light despite doubts about human rights and working conditions in the Asian country and divided the voices of the Spanish far-right. MEPs were in favor of PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos and MEP of Vox Hermann TrichJoining the votes against United We Can are the votes of the ERC, Bildu, En Común Podem, another Vox MEPs and former ministers Tony Común and Clara Ponsati. The former president of Catalonia abstained from voting. Carlos Puigdemontand two other Vox MEPs, Jorge Buxadé and Margarita de la Pisa Carrión.
far from central Europe
Buxade, which was nominated for Spanish battalionsAbascal’s party distanced itself from other European radical rights. What far-right families in Europe have in common are three general characteristics. are parties authoritarian, internally and externally, difficult. to A nativist, ultra-nationalist, and xenophobic figure and follow personal strategies populist” Professor of Political Science at Carlos III University of Madrid. It is the differences, he explains, that can help understand why in countries like Italy, Holland or France There is more than one far-right party.
There are more reactionary neo-Catholic parties, as it will be Poland and Hungary, and others like it Le Pen in France, AFD in Germany, or FPÖ in Austria who avoid focusing on these issues more than Catholic morality and try to get closer to their constituents through IslamophobiaIndicating that Muslims are against women or homosexuals. They are parties with Protestant roots, from Central Europe, without a Catholic tradition, which represent their first axis of rupture here, according to Simon’s analysis.
Another issue that could make a difference between the different families of the European far right is whether they are pro-independence or centrist parties. Although this is out of the question with Vox in Spain, having arisen as a reaction to the process of Catalan sovereignty, it is not the case in all of Europe. he Flamenco blockfar-right separatist party. In Spain the party Catalan Alliancewhich has taken over the office of the mayor of Ripoll, will fulfill this pattern.
economic hub
The third axis that would make a difference is in economics. Pure neoliberals, who follow In the wake of Reagan or ThatcherUse this economic doctrine with security and immigration issues as a winning formula. The clearest example of Le Pen’s boom, father and daughter, with an original party of a neoliberal economic nature mutated with Marine Le Pen to more chauvinistic positionsincreasingly protectionist, to get closer to labor movement against foreign society, inciting fear of multinational corporations to grab the votes of the working class and small and medium businessmen ” confirms the political scientist.
Alberto Lopeza postdoctoral researcher at the Free University of Amsterdam, argues that “there are similarities with other European far-right” and in that senseVox is very fickle, with growth patterns that make the party swing up or down very quickly.” “in Austria The far right is on the rise again after a very strong drop, at United kingdom They almost became extinct when he achieved Brexit, he explains, but “far-right parties are anchored in Europe at the crossroads between 20 and 30% of the vote& rdquo;. The elections of 23J left the party of Santiago Abascal with 33 fewer deputies, with 19 deputies and 12.39% of the vote.
ideological science
The Spanish radical right also does not escape the internal squabbles of other European formations. They are parties in which “liberals, conservatives and nationalists” coexist. What is difficult, explains the PhD also from the University of Zurich, is deciding “where they put their flag.” If they stress ultra-conservative muslims against homosexuals or women, they reject part of the electorate, and if they choose the neoliberal flag, they scare others away. Far, the one thing always easier is Nationalist anti-immigration rhetoric But unlike other European realities, immigration is not a significant problem in Spain, he warns.
It’s common for these types of parties to suffer crises like Fox’s, Lopez says. The further they fall, the more their space is cut off, the more critical voices emerge and the more radical the party becomes. It’s a tough spiral that affects not only Vox. It is also more expensive to be PP closer From them, they tend to distance themselves, and the stigma deepens and again Your electoral space is shrinking, while damaging his reputation & rdquo; The professor abounds from Cadiz who lives in Amsterdam. If something happens Spinoza de los Monteros He was “Whitening” the Vox imageAlso building bridges for the country’s economic elites and business leaders.
two or more parties
In the Netherlands, with 17 parties in Parliament, there are four formations that can be classified as far-right, some appearing as splits and others not. In France there are two Marine Lépine and one of Eric ZemmourIn Italy they coexist Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini. It is common for many families to identify with the radical right.
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Indeed, strategic contradictions have always existed at Vox, but they have to decide where they will focus their public discourse from now on. “In Spain, Vox is doing as badly as PP is doing well. The space is still to the right of the People’s Party and despite their attempts to appeal to the votes of workers or rural areas, in Spain this ‘anthropomorphism’ has not yet been achieved & rdquor; explains Simon. The professor defends Carlos III on “that the agricultural company Vox must take a strategic position”.
The more extreme Vox becomes, the more it will see W whenever Abascal’s leadership falteredThe expression of some radical views that were normalized with the arrival of the Vox will again begin to bear a social cost, but this weakness will not be final, European experience shows that it will be sufficient. economic migration crisis or eg The independence movement in Catalonia returns to Vox to win back votes” Lopez warns. Vox is in low hours but far from disappearing, as predicted by “fallen” from the gig.
